Jerome R. Corsi
The New Bush/Dulles Free Trade World Order and the Assassination of JFK, December 1, 2013
Herbert L. Calhoun
Introduction
On page 317, of this book, “Who Really Killed Kennedy 50 years later: Stunning new revelations about the JFK assassination,” the author, Jerome R. Corsi, summarizes the consequences of a nation willing to sit idly by and accept as a permanent fait accompli, having their elected leader shot down in cold blood, as follows:
“After fifty years of US government disinformation and deliberate stonewalling, researchers are just at the edge of discovering the truth about how and why JFK was assassinated in one of the greatest crimes in US history — a coup d'etat in which rogue groups, including the highest intelligence services in the land, conspired to remove JFK from the presidency and to place LBJ in the White House. The consequence of this conspiracy are immeasurable, if only because a group of traitors successfully flouted the constitution and got away with it.”
Corsi goes on to say that: ” … History will need to be rewritten to condemn those responsible as traitorous criminals. While prosecutions may no longer be possible simply because so many of the involved parties have already died, justice can be served by setting the historical record straight. At this late date, any attempt by the US government to withhold from the public documents pertaining to the JFK assassination should be deemed by Congress to be a continuation of the traitorous act that killed JFK.”
Coris concludes with an admonishment that no true American can disagree with: “If we do not want to see this history repeated, all Americans have a responsibility to demand the full truth from the US government now. To do less would be to further dishonor the memory of John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States.”
Coris' story of the JFK Assassination
Deviating from the general shotgun approach used in most of his previous books as well as in the main text of this one, where the author spent much too much time and space on the irrelevant, unbelievable and cockamamie side issues of Oswald being a “sent” KGB or Cuban double agent, etc., Corsi really began to hit his stride in the last few chapters of this book, where, rather surprisingly and yet very convincingly, he identifies Allen Dulles and George Herbert Walker Bush as the ultimate culprits in the plot to assassinate JFK.
With some interesting exceptions, the first part of the book is a familiar rehearsal of what other JFK researchers have found over the last fifty years, in particular the work of James DiEugenio (from his book “Destiny Betrayed”). However, Corsi's own narrative arc begins at chapter seven, with “Vietnam, Diem, the French Connection and LBJ.” Here Corsi takes the reader well beyond the rehearsal phase and plunges him knee deep into new discoveries about those engineering the assassination.
Connecting the dots between the Bush family international banking interests, the Nazi banks being used as CIA fronts for Allen Dulles to launder Corsican Heroin money, and to use to finance CIA assassination projects, including possibly arranging and financing the JFK assassination itself, Corsi's narrative hits pay dirt and perhaps puts in place the final nail to the coffin of the JFK assassination plot.
By the end, he brings the book full circle by connecting the dots between the Dulles/Bush international banking interests (enabled by Heinrich Himmler's special agent and London Banker, Baron Kurt von Schroeder) and the Jim Garrison JFK investigation. Corsi shows convincingly that J. Henry Schroeder's Banking Corporation and the Schroeder Trust of the 1950s and 1960s, morphed into little more than a fifty million dollar “assassination ATM” for Allen Dulles' personal use. With his gang of CIA criminals and thugs like E.Howard Hunt, David Atlee Phillips, and William Harvey, working for him, Dulles was able to ravage much of the Third World in the interest of US business. From Guatemala to Iran to Indonesia, and on to Vietnam, Dulles was the tip of the spear of US exceptionalism during the Cold War.
When I read and reviewed Corsi's book on the Bush family where he first raised the Nazi angle, I thought: Okay, here we go again, off the deep end? In that book, I had dismissed the Nazi references because they all seemed so farfetched and plus they had begun sloppily and involved lots of “hand waving” but powerful few actual facts that connected the dots directly to the Bush family.
Not so here.
Remember when Jim Garrison (the District Attorney of New Orleans) had accused Clay Shaw of being the operational manager of the JFK assassination through a Swiss-based CIA front and cut-out called Permindex, a company that was expelled from both Switzerland and Italy because of its nefarious CIA/Mossad connections? Also, remember during the time when Richard Helms was the CIA's DCI, and his administrator and eventual CIA-turncoat, Victor Marchetti told us how agitated Helms became when he discovered that Garrison was going to indict Shaw for JFK's murder? And how the hierarchy at Langley went into their “prevent defense?”
Well, as Corsi shows here, it turns out that Permindex (an acronym for “Permanent Industrial Exposition”), was closely allied with an Italian trade group called Centro-Mondiale Commercial (World Trade Center), also a CIA front accused of being engaged in funding assassinations around the world.
Now I ask you: What are the chances that Mr. Clay Shaw, who proudly admitted that he administered trade centers around the world, including the New Orleans' own International Trade Center, (though apparently not the Dallas Trade Mart where JFK was going to speak on the day he was murdered), would be a member of the board of directors of both CIA front companies, Permindex and Centro-Mondiale Commercial, and not be a high-ranking CIA agent? I would say the odds are practically nil. Now add to that probability, the probability that the only man tried for JFK's murder would also be a member of the board of two CIA front companies that specialize in assassinating leaders around the world? Now, also add to those two very unlikely probabilities the probability that known assassins Frank Nicoletti, Johnny Roselli, Roscoe White, James Fires, Corsican assassin Michel Mertz, LBJ's hired hit man, Mack Wallace, Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby, Arcarcha Smith, Frank Sturges, and Charles Harrelson, would all be in Dealey's Plaza on the day of JFK's assassination, a day that E. Howard Hunt, said was called the “Big Event, and then tell me that the assassination was not a conspiracy of atleast two shooters?”
Finally, add to the above compounded probability, the probability that high level CIA and policy operatives such as George Herbert Walker Bush, Richard Nixon, Istak Rabin (at the time Head of the Israeli Defense forces, which de facto also made him the head of the Massad), and Edward Lansdale, would all be in Dallas on the day E. Howard Hunt said was called “The Big Event” and the assassination not be a conspiracy designed and engineered by the CIA?” There are actually pictures of both Bush and Landsdale standing at key posts in front of the Texas school Book Depository and near the tramps in the rail boxcars near the grassy knoll during the assassination. It is as if they wanted to be photographed at the “Big Event?”
Jerome Corsi's story about why and how the JFK assassination took place is, at its broadest level, a political tract about the clash of two very different sets of elites, elites that at the same time represented two very different American political cultures and world views.
First there is JFK's own world view, which was to attend to domestic inequities while seeking peace through bilateral and multilateral engagement (detente with the USSR, and empowering the de-colonized World, where necessary) — anything short of nuclear war. Then there was the world view of his primary ideological adversaries, the Bush-Dulles axis, whose world view was to allow market forces and trickle-down economics to take care of all domestic inequities, while establishing a new world order based on defending free-trade and U.S. business interests around the world — a kind of global “trickle-down” theory writ large that stops only when worldwide wages have reached rock bottom — and doing so at all costs (including by imposing U.S military strength worldwide, and where necessary, even the use of nuclear engagement).
By the summer of 1963, this clash of ideologies was being played out openly across the U.S. foreign policy landscape as different orientations to, and nuances of, the shared framework of anti-Communism. From Central and South America to Vietnam, and from West Germany to Cuba, what Carl Oglesby had dubbed the “Yankee Cowboy war” had morphed into a subtle ideological war over the nuances of how to best fight Communism around the globe.
At a less rarified theoretical and more practical level, Corsi saw the tensions building up to a crescendo across a number of seemingly unrelated ground level political skirmishes. Open and visceral disagreements on issues at this level led organically to an unholy alliance among these opposing but disparate groups whose common thread was not only hatred of the Kennedy brothers generally, and for JFK's policies in particular, but also their shared interests in criminal enterprises such as profiting from illegal drugs, exploitation of Third World countries' oil reserves and other natural resources, and of course control over the American political process. This coalition of both holy and unholy interests — that included Texas oil, the Mob, America's “War Profiteers,” rightwing racists, the CIA, and Cuban Exile groups, and anyone else who had hatred for the Kennedy brothers — came together and intersected in the crosshairs of the triangulated scopes of several high-powered rifles, the crack of whose sounds reverberated and echoed across Dealy's Plaza at high noon in Dallas on 11/22/63.
As might be expected, the cohesion of the book suffers greatly from the number and fragmentation of the issues it had to deal with. However, Corsi's detailed analysis of these discrete skirmishes, while it waxed and waned from spiritless rehearsals of the researches of other better JFK researchers, to his own exceptional analysis based on his own excellent research that occurs in the latter part of the book, the last several chapters raises Cori's game considerably. For better and for worse, both the good and the bad were necessary to bring the book to a climatic conclusion.
That said, it must also be said that except for the analysis involving Bush and Dulles, the reader is likely to find better renditions of other issues, in the originally cited sources. They include JFK's intentions to withdraw troops from Vietnam; the strong possibility of replacing a criminally liable and soon to be indicted LBJ on the 1964 Democratic Party ticket; RFK's continued aggressive pursuit of the Mob and the perceived double-cross this implied due to political debts owed both by the Kennedy brothers and their father to the mob; JFK's general orientation to key domestic issues such as civil rights and the oil depletion allowance, the Kennedy brother's sexual dalliances; and last but not least, JFK's threat (after the Bay of Pigs fiasco) to completely dismantle the CIA. Corsi has earned his bones.
