Anthony Judge: Part II – Enabling Suffering through Doublespeak and Doublethink Indifference to poverty and retributive justice as case studies

Cultural Intelligence, Ethics, Peace Intelligence

Anthony Judge
Anthony Judge
PART II: Enabling Suffering through Doublespeak and Doublethink

Indifference to poverty and retributive justice as case studies

Cultivating indifference to suffering through doublespeak
Enabling suffering through religious doublespeak
Enabling suffering through legal doublespeak
Enabling suffering through political doublespeak: Iraq vs. Syria
Exploiting suffering as a means of moral and emotional blackmail
Transcendent justification for indifference to the suffering of others?

Berto Jongman: GEOINT and the Digital Divide

Collective Intelligence, Commercial Intelligence, Cultural Intelligence, Earth Intelligence, Gift Intelligence, Peace Intelligence

Berto Jongman
Berto Jongman
Ten Years of GEOINT

Phi Beta Iota: But we still do not have 1:50,000 combat charts for everywhere (Somalia, for example) and we still cannot put a geospatial display with all-source data fusion at machine speed on ANY analyst's desk.

The Digital Divide

Phi Beta Iota: War profits the few, peace the many — the single fastest way to create a prosperous world at peace is to distribute free cell phones and free Internet access (i.e. free education one cell call at a time via call centers for the first couple of years) to the five billion poor. Earth Intelligence Network figured that out in 2006. Still no takers.

Berto Jongman Et Al: Syria 3.0

03 Environmental Degradation, 04 Inter-State Conflict, 05 Civil War, 07 Other Atrocities, 08 Proliferation, 08 Wild Cards, Peace Intelligence
Berto Jongman
Berto Jongman

Berto Jongman: Iran-Contra Redux – Prince Bandar of Saudi Arabia in the Lead…

Berto Jongman: On Obama's attack on Syria: Phil Donahue Interviews Andrew Bacevich

Berto Jongman: Syrian Electonic Army – No Link to Iran

David Swanson
David Swanson

David Swanson: 12 U.S. Intelligence Officials Tell Obama It Was Not Assad

Jon Rappoport
Jon Rappoport

Jon Rappoport: Syria: a vote of no-confidence in the President

Paul Craig Roberts
Paul Craig Roberts

Paul Craig Roberts: Greg Hunter Interviews PCR – Another Step Toward WWIII

Winslow Wheeler
Winslow Wheeler

Winslow Wheeler: Don't Be So Sure Syrian War Will Cost So Little…

Chuck Spinney: Ambassador Chas Freeman — “Don’t Just Stand There, Bomb Something!”

02 Diplomacy, 08 Wild Cards, Corruption, Government, Idiocy, Ineptitude, Peace Intelligence
Chuck Spinney
Chuck Spinney

Below is a thoughtful essay by Ambassador Chas Freeman.  He describes how the United States has painted itself into a corner on the Syrian Question.  Many see this problem in terms of President Obama's missteps, but Freeman shows it goes far beyond one man's grand-strategic foibles.

While Freeman does not express the evolution of grand strategy wrt Syria Question in the following terms, the core issue is, I believe, the increasingly dysfunctional moral design for grand strategy evolved by the United States since the end of the Cold War.  Abstractly, this dysfunction takes the form of a growing web of policy-induced mismatches among (a) the codes of conduct and standards of behaviour the United States professes to uphold and others expect the U.S. to uphold, (b) those standards of behaviour we actually adhere to, as demonstrated by our actions, and (c) the conditions in the world we have to contend with.  The hypocrisy implicit in this web of mismatches, in abstract terms, is the moral heart of our growing foreign policy crisis and our state of perpetual war.
The crucial importance of having a moral design for grand strategy is described by the late American strategist Col. John Boyd in his seminal Discourse on Winning and Losing.  In fact, this notion is the capstone grand strategic ideal synthesizing the tactical, operational, strategic, and philosophical threads of Boyd's entire Discourse.  And while the idea is expressed in highly compressed terms on Slides 54-58 of his briefing Strategic Game of ? and ?, one must study the entire Discourse to appreciate both the elegance of his compression, as well as the central importance of forging a grand strategy that is consistent with his ideal.
Exorcising those mismatches from the body politic can start with Syria, but it goes far beyond Syria to our dealings with Middle East, Iran, Russia, China, and indeed the whole world.  Nor will it be be easy; extremely powerful domestic factions in the US are profiting from these mismatches, and their corollary state of perpetual war (as I explained here).  Ridding ourselves of these mismatches is now the foreign policy challenge of our generation
Ambassador Freeman's thoughtful assembly of  the facts associated with our patterns of post-cold war behaviour is worthy of careful study and comparison with Boyd's ideals, because without intending to, he reveals how far the United States has strayed from these ideas.  In effect, Freeman has issued a call for an injection of common sense into American foreign policy, and Syria is the place to start working the problem.
Chuck Spinney

Don’t Just Sit There, Bomb Something

Counterpunch, September 1st, 2013

by Chas Freeman

 

4th Media Et Al: Syria Round-Up 3.0

05 Iran, 06 Russia, 08 Wild Cards, IO Deeds of Peace, IO Deeds of War, Peace Intelligence

4th media cropped4th Media:  Syria Will Never Give in Even If There is World War III : Taken Every Measure to Retaliate, If hit by US-led Military Strike

Berto Jongman:  Meet the Syrian Islamist Organization Controlling Senator McCain’s Agenda

Berto Jongman
Berto Jongman

Berto Jongman:  Syria: wish you were here

Berto Jongman:  The Human Cost of the Syrian Civil War

David Swanson:  Congressman Robert Hurt (R., Va.) Not Convinced by Case to Attack Syria

Jon Rappaport:  War in Syria: Evidence? We don’t need no stinkin’ evidence

Marcus Aurelius
Marcus Aurelius

Marcus Aurelius:  U.S. Considering Using Military To Train Syria Rebels

Paul Craig Roberts:  How to Stop Obama's Military Aggression Against Syria

Paul Craig Roberts:  Pat Buchanan asks: Just Whose War Is This?

Paul Craig Roberts
Paul Craig Roberts

Paul Craig Roberts:  US Government Stands Revealed to the World as a Collection of War Criminals and Liars

See Also:

Berto Jongman Et Al: Syria Round-Up 2.0

 

Berto Jongman: US Intelligence Missed Signs of WMD Attack? Or Just Now Leveraging Fabricated Israeli or Saudi-Concocted “Intercepts”?

02 Diplomacy, 03 Environmental Degradation, 04 Inter-State Conflict, 05 Civil War, 07 Other Atrocities, 08 Proliferation, 08 Wild Cards, Corruption, Government, Ineptitude, IO Deeds of War, Military, Officers Call, Peace Intelligence
Berto Jongman
Berto Jongman

US spies missed signs of Aug. 21 Syrian WMD Strike

By KIMBERLY DOZIER

Associated Press, 4 September 2013

WASHINGTON (AP) — U.S. intelligence agencies did not detect the Syrian regime readying a massive chemical weapons attack in the days ahead of the strike, only piecing together what had happened after the fact, U.S. officials say.

One of the key pieces of intelligence that Secretary of State John Kerry later used to link the attack to the Syrian government — intercepts of communications telling Syrian military units to prepare for the strikes — was in the hands of U.S. intelligence agencies but had not yet been “processed,” according to senior U.S. officials.

Continue reading “Berto Jongman: US Intelligence Missed Signs of WMD Attack? Or Just Now Leveraging Fabricated Israeli or Saudi-Concocted “Intercepts”?”

Marcus Aurelius: US IC UNCLAS Syria CW Assessment

Corruption, Government, Ineptitude, IO Deeds of War, Peace Intelligence
Marcus Aurelius
Marcus Aurelius

Special attention to last four paras on page 2. Administration is forcing IC beyond its objective collection/reporting role into political advocacy.

Intelligence Community Unclassified Assessment
Chemical Weapons Attack by the Syrian Regime

The United States Government assesses with high confidence that the Syrian government carried out a chemical weapons attack in the Damascus suburbs on August 21, 2013, resulting in a large number of casualties, including the deaths of 1,429 people, among them 426 children. We further assess that the regime used a nerve agent in the attack.

This assessment is based on a wide variety of sources, including: human, signals and geospatial intelligence; multiple accounts describing chemical-filled rockets impacting opposition-controlled areas; accounts from international and Syrian medical personnel; thousands of social media reports; and information from a highly credible international organization reporting that three hospitals in the Damascus area received approximately 3,600 patients displaying symptoms consistent with nerve agent exposure.

Syrian regime officials prepared for the attack. We have intelligence leads us to assess that Syrian government chemical weapons personnel were operating in a Damascus suburb near an area that the regime uses to mix chemical weapons, including sarin. On August 21, a Syrian regime element prepared for a chemical attack in the Damascus area, including through the utilization of gas masks.

Syrian forces conducted the attack. Satellite detections corroborate that attacks from a regime-controlled area struck neighborhoods where the chemical attacks reportedly occurred. This includes the detection of rocket launches from regime controlled territory early in the morning, approximately 90 minutes before the first report of a chemical attack appeared in social media.

Syrian regime officials discussed the attack. We intercepted communications involving a senior official intimately familiar with the offensive who confirmed that chemical weapons were used by the regime on 21 August and who was concerned with the U.N. inspectors obtaining evidence. On the afternoon of 21 August, we have intelligence that Syrian chemical weapons personnel were directed to cease operations. At the same time, the regime intensified the artillery barrage targeting many of the neighborhoods where chemical attacks occurred. In the 24 hour period after the attack, we detected indications of artillery and rocket fire at a rate approximately four times higher than the ten preceding days.

Victims displayed the symptoms of chemical weapons. One hundred videos relating to the attack show large numbers of victims exhibiting physical signs consistent with, but not unique to, nerve agent exposure—including unconsciousness, foaming from the nose and mouth, constricted pupils, rapid heartbeat, and difficulty breathing. Several videos show what appear to be numerous fatalities with no visible injuries, which is consistent with death from chemical weapons and inconsistent with death from small-arms, high-explosive munitions or blister agents.

This is not the first time that the Syrian regime has used chemical weapons. The Syrian regime possesses numerous chemical agents, including mustard, sarin, and VX and has thousands of munitions that can be used to deliver chemical warfare agents. We assess with high
2
confidence the Syrian regime has used chemical weapons on a small scale against the opposition multiple times in the last year. We assess that the regime’s frustration with its inability to secure large portions of Damascus may have contributed to its decision to use chemical weapons on August 21.

It is highly unlikely that the opposition could have executed or fabricated the attack. We have seen no indication that the opposition has carried out a large-scale, coordinated rocket and artillery attack like the one that occurred on August 21. Our intelligence sources in the Damascus area did not detect any indications in the days prior to the attack that opposition affiliates were planning to use chemical weapons. Moreover, we assess the Syrian opposition does not have the capability to fabricate all of the videos, physical symptoms verified by medical personnel and NGOs, and other information associated with this chemical attack.

The use of chemical weapons in Syria threatens U.S. national security interests. Threatening to unravel the long-established international norm against the use of chemical weapons, for which there must be accountability and consequences; risking further violence and instability that threatens the region including close allies and partners like Israel, Turkey and Jordan; and increasing the risk that these weapons will be obtained by terrorist groups who might use them against the United States.

The international community is condemning this attack and calling for action. The Arab League declared that they have decided “to hold the Syrian regime fully responsible for this crime.” The Organization for Islamic Cooperation has said that the regime must be held “legally and morally accountable for this heinous crime.” NATO’s North Atlantic Council declared that “any use of such weapons is unacceptable and cannot go unanswered. Those responsible must be held accountable”.

The purpose of any response would be limited. The President has not yet made a final decision on how to respond. That said, any response would be focused on the regime’s use of chemical weapons. We need to send a clear message to Assad, his allies, and the world that the use of chemical weapons will not be tolerated. This is important to achieving the goal of stopping chemical weapons use in Syria, saving lives and deterring the use of chemical weapons by others in the future.

This is not Iraq 2003. The response that the President is considering is limited, tailored, and focused on the issue of chemical weapons. The President has made clear that he is not considering an open-ended military intervention aimed at regime change, nor is he considering U.S. boots on the ground. This is not Iraq or Afghanistan (ground forces) or Libya (a sustained air campaign).

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